IN WHICH EVENT WERE YOU BORN? HOW THE KENYA GOVERNMENT DETERMINES AGE OF ITS PASTORALISTS

April 21, 2014

By Adan Makina

The history of people of Cushitic extracts or of like features residing in Kenya’s Eastern and North Eastern Provinces (formerly the Northern Frontier Districts or in short NFD) irradiates concealed treasures of historical value retrievable from a few surviving super-centenarian storytellers possessing narratives worthy of recitation. These are sequences of events worth deciphering that seem to be far from the reach of our local historians in far away libraries or for some unknown reasons that have not been documented to this day.

It is a history laden with courage and wit, maladies and famine that afflicted humans, wild and domesticated animals alike; it is one of murder, locust invasions, and blizzards, rape of women and girls, and cattle rustling. It details a cornucopia of occurrences during the colonial administration; it features immeasurable wealth of information regarding past tribal clashes between the various Somali sub-clans and the Borana which dragged on for over a hundred years.

Ironically, since majority of pastoralists were illiterate, these events became a tool for ascertaining the exact birth dates for people of the same age groups as the few semi-literate able-bodied men familiar with the Gregorian and Hegirae calendars migrated to the towns in search of better prospects-most probably to work for the colonial administrations as spies, cooks, translators, watchmen, and as armed askaris (soldiers but in the real sense Administration Policemen locally known as “Duubcas” as they were known to wear turbans for headgear).

What mattered most to these people about time and periodic occurrences were not birthday celebrations with cakes and cookies. Instead, it was about having strength and equanimity, a wealth of livestock and sons, religious conviction, abundant water and pasture, poetic eminence, and steadfast tribal warriors during difficult times.

The sense of humor chronicled in these events despite containing vulgarities and utterly promiscuous exploits is not intended in any way or form to malign the good name or reputation of any entity or tribe, but is being presented here to show cultural correlations between these tribes and their recorded important historical events.

Chronology of events

1901. Baahale civil war between Mohamed Zubeir, Auliyahan, and Bah-Geri.
1904. The year of Khalu. Perhaps he was a great Borana warrior who wanted to wage war against Somalis but gave up the idea after he entered Kenya from Ethiopia.
1906. The year of devastating famine when all camels were eaten in Garissa District because they were the only animals available.
1907. Breakout of Mohamed Zubeir-Abdalla war.
1911. Borana commanded by Ali Buke fought with the Somalis.
1912. Borana and Samburu fought at a place called Kome. Samburus were defeated.
1912. Abudwak-Mohamed Zubeir war ingintes.
1913. The Borana warrior, Kote, who was born without fingers on one hand, dies.
1915. Borana warrior Guyo Gutu dies after being killed by an elephant.
1917. Is remembered as the year when the Sakuye killed two Somalis and were collectively fined 400 heads of cattle as compensation.
1918. Mohamed Zubeir-Auliyahan war kicks off.
1919. The year the Borana and Gabra could not reconcile forcing the Gabra to move to Marsabit.
1919. Auliyahan-British war.
1920. Sannadkii biyo fuud. A year of drought and the introduction of tea and sugar in Garissa District.
1922. Koodhi ka carar. People escaped to Somalia to avoid paying poll tax.
1923. Kenya-Somalis crossed into Italian Somaliland.
1925. Borana killed a Somali and were fined 100 heads of cattle as blood money.
1925. Sannadkii Saangur (Sankuri) la dhisay. The year Sankuri was built.
1929. Tribal war between the Garre and Murille in Elwak.
1931. Angered by the killing of Borana by Somalis, the Borana, seeking compensation,appealed to the District commissioner, a Mr. Dadlocks, who in turn confiscated Somali camels.
1932. Deer Fanta. Outbreak of Smallpox.
1933. The colonial administration fined the Borana 1200 heads of cattle for the killing of six Somalis.
1934. British-Auliyahan war.
1935. Deer Ayax. The year of locust invasion.
1936. The year Garissa was built.
1937. Sannadkii caano arag. The year of abundant milk.
1937. Sannadkii kala carar. The year of pandemonium when people ran to unknown destinations in search of food.
1941. Sannadkii Lo’ duraay. The introduction of veterinary services.
1944. A Borana named Abduba Ali was killed by Somali Shifta (bandits). The Shifta was killed by the Borana in retaliation.
1944. Sannadkii dhul qod. The introduction of dams.
1944. Mohamed Zubeir-Bartire war.
1946. The death of Sultan Sambul.
1946. The year people slaughtered young calves for food due to famine.
1948. Borana killed two Ajurans; fined 200 heads of cattle as compensation.
1948. Ka dhaqso ku dhufo. A war song warning a rapist to hurry up with his immoral act as the husband of the wife was coming to bay for his blood. It was a year of rejoicing for Somalis after a long drought.
1949. The year Sultan Maalim Muhamed was stabbed.
1953. Garab gooye. A killer disease that decimated cattle and elephants and anyone who ate them.
1955. Boran galaay. The year when many Somalis moved to Modogashe (Madoogaashe) and Borana land due to severe drought.
1956. Guskii caano teg. A young Somali man, who, after attaining age 20, raped every woman he met each time paying as compensation 5 to 8 cows until he ran bankrupt; he finally repented his sins.
The Kenya Census Bureau deserves credit for chronicling such important historical events in its experimentation of past census exercises despite small margins of error.

From these events we are able to adduce evidence of incest in past tribal social make-ups, territorial rivalry, and adverse living conditions-conditions dictated by mother nature in poor tribal societies whose only source of income was livestock-livestock that solely depended on scarce rain followed by intermittent drought that decimated a great many populations scavenging for the few available resources in a vast desert-whipped Somali Abbo and Somali regions stretching from the Northern tip of Moyale to the southern terrains of Garissa.

Students interested in the history of NFD need exploit the atrocious wars between the Auliyahan-a sub clan of the Ogaden-Somali and the heavily equipped British Colonial Administration. Names like the Sakuye and Murille may at first sound non-Somali though the vast majority of these tribes concentrate in Wajir and Mandera respectively to as far as Moyale, Marsabit, and Isiolo in the expansive Eastern Province.

Though little has been mentioned about the exquisite Wardey-a clan that originally owned this vast region-any student of Somali history need remember that their original name was Gabbra. Names like Hargeisa, Garbaharey, Afmadow and many other towns, places, and villages have their origin in Wardey vernacular. As for Afmadow, after a much awaited battle that was to have been fought by two sub-clans of the Ogaden clan was suspended, to the surprise and amazement of a group of warriors, what they found under an acacia tree was bewildering. They found a beautiful young Wardey girl with black lips. Thus, from that day on the area was named Afmadow which is in reference to the young girl’s black mouth or lips.

From the little historical knowledge we have about NFD, the first batch of men on horseback consisting of bachelor warriors embarked on a harrowing journey driven by the desire for land, pasture, and slaves long before European colonization of the region. These dedicated men intermarried with the Wardey and thus set up settlements for Ahmediya Islamic religious propagation.

For the last quarter of a century, the political, social, and economic atmosphere in this region has been murky. The break-up of the central government in Somalia in 1991 and the rise of Al-Shabab in 2006 brought many ills to the region. There is an atmosphere of unease, mistrust, and suspicion between the inhabitants of the region and the Kenya government. Militant infiltration of society, insecurity, and government response with crackdowns has taken its toll on the inhabitants of the region. Those who call the region home are in constant fear of the Kenya government’s unprecedented security operations and the constant, inescapable punishments inflicted on them by the militants.

Our absolute dependence on European colonial writings and our failure to undertake our own research has made the task of writing our own history redundant and obsolete. The governments of East Africa have not been much better as their inclinations to European colonial ideals retarded our young historians’ pursuit of our past. It took the combined efforts of three independent minds to spread Communism to the entire world. Karl Marx was not alone; someone published his ideas while a third figure disseminated his ideas that became an ideology to reckon with even to this very day.

Adan Makina
WardheerNews
E-mail: adan.makina@gmail.com

GARISSA: THE BIGGEST CITY BETWEEN NAIROBI AND MOGADISHU

By Adan Makina  Oct. 18, 2010

The City of Garissa in Kenya’s North Eastern Province (NEP) has been on the top list of the most peaceful cities in East and Central Africa for over twenty years. It is the provincial headquarter of NEP as well as the administrative center for Garissa District. Named after a riverine local Pokomo elder or farmer called Karisa, Garissa became a recognized settlement in 1936.  The majority of the inhabitants of Garissa are ethnic Somalis. Besides subsistence and small-scale farming and local business initiatives by urbanites, livestock raring remains the major sustainer of the region’s economy.

From 1963 when Kenya became a sovereign republic until the late eighties, the region suffered chronic insecurity resulting from tribal warfare, recurring banditry, poaching, and cattle-rustling.
However, regardless of the insecurity, Garissa District has continuously for years recorded the highest concentration of livestock in East and Central Africa. Traders in Garissa get their surplus livestock from Somalia’s southern regions thus making Garissa a haven for livestock merchants primarily between the months of January and April when the volume of cattle substantially increases. Cattle trading in Garissa attract traders from as far as Machakos, Nairobi, Nyeri, Mombasa and other coastal towns during this time of the year consequently transforming the city into a beehive of activity.

Despite generating enough revenue from the taxation of cattle sales, Garissa city has lagged behind other cities of Kenya in all aspects of development. The district’s markets in southern Somalia include Baidoa, Dinsor, Qorioley, Jowhar, Afgoi, Salagle, Bardhere and Afmadow, among others. However, anecdotal evidence suggests that 60-80% of livestock in Garissa originate from the Somali region in Ethiopia, Somalia, and other divisions within NEP. In the past, the district experienced remarkable government involvement after health concerns related to the epidemiological outbreaks of Rinderpest (cattle plague or steppe murrain) and other devastating foot and mouth diseases necessitated in the enforcement of veterinary regulations leading to abrupt closure of cattle markets.

Despite being the major supplier of beef to major cities in Kenya and to as far as Tanzania and despite being the largest city between Nairobi and Mogadishu, Garissa greets its visitors with grim reality. With the exception of a teachers’ training college and one Islamic university founded by mindful businessmen and overseas-based organizations, the city has no secular university; it has no feasible infrastructure; the only visible tarmac located in the city center measures a few kilometers; its dusty potholed streets transform into lakes during rainy seasons; the municipality and the city council have no refuse collection systems in place thus making inhabitants susceptible to waterborne and airborne diseases; it has no manufacturing industries; unemployment is rife; drug addiction among the youth continues to skyrocket; poverty, beggary, and street children remain an eyesore and a social menace, and worst of all poor land allocation strategies riddled with corruption has been the major cause of civil skirmishes among the tribal-minded inhabitants resulting in government application of emergency laws such as extended curfews and deployment of the dreaded General Service Unit (GSU) together with the rapid Deployment Unit (RDU) to quell disturbances.

The city has a long history of election rigging; harassment of electors and opposition groups is common-dirty tricks and techniques inherited from past fallen autocratic regimes. Just like their cousins across the border, Somalis in Garissa and other parts of NEP have over and over again championed clan domineering approaches by unconventional means especially by rampant warring and ethnic animosities.

Reminiscent of Somalia’s “Guulwadeyaasha” or revolutionary youth during the military junta, Kenyatta and Moi era governments relied on a force that recklessly represented the Kenya African National Union (KANU) Party-a consortium of embellished, underfunded youth wingers whose arguments rested on the just war doctrine of “kill or be killed”. Such political blunders ensured the uninterrupted reclamation and continuation of political structure and extension of inheritance for the old guards.

The trouncing of Moi’s single-party regime and the birth of multiparty democracy in 1992 did little to alter the pervasive past odious events. In fact it exacerbated the political scenario when new contestants found their ambitions obstructed by the same old guards who jumped on the bandwagon using the same old tricks inherited from their past masters of deception.

the Causes of Underdevelopment

Sir Evelyn Baring, Governor of Kenya in the 1950s, greeting local tribal leaders in Garissa

If we are to understand the circumstances leading to the region’s underperformance, discriminatory practices, and developmental retardation we will need to understand the past inhuman practices by the Kenya government. The district has suffered poor county representation since Kenya’s attainment of independence in 1963. Because of their adroitness at accumulating wealth, majority of the region’s uneducated councilors have promoted their self-esteem and thus harbor elitist mentality such that even those who bowed out of politics remain a force to reckon with. These men have the power to imprison, kill or regain one’s freedom. While the poor suffer dental decay due to unhygienic eating habits coupled with the shortage of dentists, the uneducated honorable councilor displays sparkling white teeth because of the abundance of money at his disposal.

Even though the foremost social security benefits for civic leaders and high-ranking government employees is measured by the number of children one has for future retirement, the tendency to loot enough money before withdrawal from the service remain the major objective. It is saddening to see a civic leader whose tenure of office is a mere five years and whose monthly salary is about $300 residing in a personal mansion worth $100,000. Unquestionably, such wealth has been accumulated through the use of corrupt practices. Misuse of Community Development Fund (CDF), exploitation of budgetary allotments, and stealing of taxation from sales add up to the accumulation of wealth. For a long time, stealing from state treasury has been a hallmark of African politics and Kenya, because of its corruption ranking profile, is no exception.

A cross-section of Residents of Bulla Mzuri (Fiican)-Garissa

The Offspring of a Snake is a Snake

The above phrase is a translation of the Kiswahili saying “mtoto wa nyoka ni nyoka”. It has been used by corrupt Kenya leaders as a rallying cry to provoke non-Somalis to hate and oppress Kenya-Somalis. The saying inspired Kenya leaders after the succession of past Somali governments instigated political irredentism and supported the repossession of what used to be the Northern Frontier District (NFD) from the Republic of Kenya. This idiomatic expression and phraseologically provocative aphorism applied to almost every Kenyan-Somali and that its widespread use slackened only after the collapse of the Somali central government in 1991.

The bitter territorial dispute that kicked-off between Kenya and Somalia in the 60s has gone down in history as the “Shifta War”. The word Shifta (or “shufta”) implies a bandit, outlaw, or rebel. The name became an allusion andnom de guerre for every Kenyan-Somali regardless of whether one was a law-abiding citizen or a contextually sadistic law-breaking criminal. Thus, Kenya-Somalis saw themselves wedged between two diametrically opposed forces with profound conflicting ideologies-one a civilian authoritarian government (Kenya) with western inclinations and a dictatorial regime (Somalia) -espousing a plethora of political dimensions. Thousands of families lacking guidance or controlling force or influence crossed the border into Somalia to escape extensive hostilities on the Kenya side. Leaders of the Northern Province People’s Progressive Party (NPPP) incorporated Somalis, Borana, Rendille, and others.

Damaliscus hunteri-this animal is listed as an endangered species and a few remain in conservation in Kenya's Garissa District

For decades, Garissa had been under the radar of Kenya security and intelligence agencies primarily because the region was under martial law decreed immediately after Kenya’s proclamation of independence.

Besides the insecurity that came with the shifta menace, widespread illegal poaching by Somalis scavenging for better living conditions decimated-if not-drastically reduced wildlife concentration in Kenya ’s internationally-acclaimed national parks and game reserves. Besides the hazards of wildlife plundering, poachers stealthily brought with them dangerous small arms that endangered the lives of government game wardens whose task implied the protection of wild game and the preservation of Kenya’s vigorous tourist industry. Since independence and till this day, tourism has been a cornerstone and sustainer of Kenya’s economy.  The best the Kenya government can do for the moment and in the future is to fully integrate Kenya-Somalis and give them a share of the national cake.

Adan Makina
WardheerNews Contributor
E-Mail:adan.makina@gmail.com

Source: www.wardheernews.com 

HON. ABDI ARESS MOHAMED: AN UNSUNG HERO IN KENYA'S POLITICAL HISTORY

By Adan Makina  Dec. 16, 2010

Hon. Abdi Aress Mohamed, MP (1969 -1983)

In the Western world, scholars, researchers, and authors painstakingly endeavor to unearth hidden historical personalities and artifacts for the sake of identification and for the purpose of acknowledging roles played in social and political life. Upon stumbling on the remains of a revered or detested figure, the process of recovery and documentation gets off the ground. Finally, the lost glory and human dignity of that person is restored. That is why in the developed world even the wretched of the earth have their place in history. In developed nations, children rehearse names of prominent people that impacted the lives of their forefathers and their nation.

Western history is replete with wastrels who frittered away their nation ’s resources, spurious aficionados, destructive infidels, false prophets, lackadaisical leaders, cantankerous and indolent impostors, treacherous assassins and wretched killers whose names appear in the golden pages of historical antiquity.

Unfortunately, in the developing world, factors like human envy, corruption, lack of resources and expertise hinder projects of like nature. Because humans are naturally selfish, there is the tendency to shower praise on the dead and not on the living.

Honorable Abdi Aress Mohamed, Member of Parliament for Garissa Central constituency within the district of Garissa in Kenya’s North Eastern Province, may be remembered for initiating various developmental projects during his tenure of politics from 1969 to 1983. In a period spanning 15 years, Hon. Abdi Aress tirelessly represented his constituents in parliament and in government bringing in projects that tremendously altered the living conditions of a pastoral society wedged between insecurity, poverty, illiteracy, and disease. The honorable leader may be credited for laying the groundwork for what today’s leaders are unable to initiate.

Marks of dilapidation visible on the tarmac in Garisssa after the departure of Hon. Abdi Aress Mohamed from politics

During his tenure as an elected representative, the Honorable Member of Parliament carpeted the dusty streets of Garissa town with tarmac- a marvelous project undertaken by Nurudin Construction Company. The National Youth Service (NYS), a government administered program, and the Ministry of Roads, oversaw repair of damaged gravel roads and the construction of new macadamized roads to the various towns and settlements dotting the district.  Besides a 9 km stretch of tarmac added long after his departure by his successor Hon. Hussein Maalim Mohamed who represented Dujis Constituency from 1983 to 2007, the 4 km tarmac laid down by political doyen Abdi Aress is the only civilized visible familiar sight to first time visitors.

Hon. Abdi Aress left behind an enduring legacy of progress and civilization that add up to his political career. He brought in a succession of projects including electricity, schools, farming, hospitals, and water. His departure from politics resulted in the abrupt retardation of infrastructural developments he envisaged. 

the drastic rise in the population of Garissa town as a result of urbanization led to negative consequences and increased demand for county council services consequently leading to water shortages that lasted for over two grueling decades. Increased vehicular and human traffic, menacing stray animals, unpredictable rain, and weather patterns, and laxity on the part of the county council accelerated the dilapidation of the only tarmac town residents had known for years.

The construction of the massive Garissa General Hospital (GGH) kicked-off when Abdi Aress was in power. This medical facility alleviated rising cases of killer diseases like tuberculosis, tropical malaria, and waterborne diseases. In later years, the establishment of a nursing school elevated the hospital’s status to that of a training hospital. To this day, GGH serves people of all walks of life including patients from war-torn Somalia. The introduction of modern veterinary services and the eradication of tsetse fly, the primary biological vectors of trypanosomes that cause human sleeping sickness and animal trypanosomiasis, got a boost during Hon. Abdi Aress’ leadership.

Signs of infrastructural decay and negligence visible in a section of Garissa Street

Unquestionably, he is an unsung hero who deserves to be recognized for the tremendous contributions he made to advance the living conditions of his constituents.

Hon. Abdi Aress rose to prominence during the devastating shifta menace of the sixties. He served the administrations of Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel Arap Moi respectively. It must have been a daunting task initiating projects of such nature at a time when the Somali-inhabited North Eastern Province suffered calculated instances of cattle rustling, poaching, social dissent, and protracted insecurity.

Unlike modern politicians who usurp power and wealth through corrupt practices, Mheshimiwa Abdi Aress did not amass wealth of any kind. He has gone down in Kenya’s political history as the most honest and diligent political figure since Kenya’s attainment of independence in 1963.
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Mr. Makina is a frequent contributor to WardheerNews and a graduate student of International Relations. He can be reached at Adan.makina@gmail.com

Source: www.wardheernews.com

KENYA SHOULD REVISIT ITS SOMALIA APPROACH

By Abdifatah Shafat April 05, 2012

The recent conference which was held in England and chaired by the British Prime Minister David Cameron, among other dignitaries, is the latest in a string of efforts to bring back stability to Somalia. Nevertheless, similar consortia of foreign officials, non-governmental organizations, Somali clan leaders and elites, as well as military interventions have been the hallmark of the international community’s reaction to the Somali crises following its descent into civil strife over 21 years ago.

As underscored in the London conference, the stakes couldn’t be higher. The country is still mired in insecurity; the economy is in the wastebasket, and the Transitional National Government (TFG) has consistently been dysfunctional since its inception in 2005 and its presence has never been felt beyond the boundaries of its seat. I do not intend to be pessimistic about those who claim that gains have been made in the recent past, but it is difficult to ignore the increasing strength of Al-Shabaab and the famine that has claimed the lives of so many.  These twin factors speak to the obvious failure of the multitude of the international efforts that have expended so much resources in terms of finances and time on institutions instead of the needy and war-ravaged citizens of Somalia.

Indeed, the typical storyline in the fast evolving news from Somalia is Kenya’s ongoing incursion into the southern part of Somalia. Foreign presence in Somalia is not something new. Ethiopia has perfected the art of invading and occupying Somalia without any international approval or consent. In fact, the West has commended Ethiopia for this invasion and funded it for its continued presence in Somalia.

With this background in mind, the first question that comes to mind is, “What does Kenya anticipate to achieve by invading Somalia?” Military interventions are a risky business and shouldn’t be taken lightly. Therefore, some responses to this question could be naive and dangerous while others genuine and strategic. I will only address the latter. No one can ignore the fact that Kenya has been an exemplary host to hundreds of thousands of Somalis who chose it as their home when they fled Somalia.

In fact, a significant proportion of the present residents of Eastleigh section of Nairobi are citizens of Somalia. A casual inspection of the economic activities and wealth generated by these people is quite evident - the stores, high-rises, banks, and restaurants. In the meantime, the majority of those left behind in Somalia is still dying of hunger and face violence on a daily basis.

Unfortunately, this welcome has not been translated into allaying the threat posed to Kenya by factions within Somalia; it has never brought peace and good neighborliness. Nonetheless, like any other sovereign nation; Kenya has a solemn duty to protect its citizens if and when threatened by external aggressors.

Threats as well as armed aggression, have been coming from Al-Shabaab. Well before the invasion, Kenya has attempted to contain the threat by creating a buffer zone in the form of a semi-independent region that borders Kenya to the east, Azania. Azania, it was stipulated, would be a tool to check Al-Shabaab forays into the Kenyan soil and help stop the proliferation of arms into the country.

Indeed, as those who follow events in Somalia know, this singular effort hasn’t paid off as expected. Azania has not turned out to be the filter that checks Al-Shabaab movements and weapons to Kenya. Members from this group have continuously been crossing the border and killing people in Kenya with impunity. Citizens in the border towns of Garissa and Mandera are panic-stricken with fear as they have borne the brunt of these aggressions.

So what are the options available to Kenya? You don’t eliminate dangers through timidity. You do whatever is necessary to eliminate threats. Though its military are present in Somalia, the Al-Shabaab threat is as strong as ever and killings are still going on in Kenya.

Therefore, to stem this spate of killings, Kenya has to partner with the international community and ensure a couple of things happen concomitantly. For a start, The U.S State Department has branded Al-Shabaab a terrorist group and therefore Kenya can do well by asking for U.S help. Furthermore, it has to seek for logistical support and funding, just as Ethiopia has done, and embolden its military presence in Somalia. The U.S has a stake in this. It has to work with other African Union nations whose militaries are present in Somalia and together strategize how to defeat Al-Shabaab. Strengthening Azania as it tries to accomplish those agendas behind its formation would also be another crucial step that Kenya should vigorously pursue.

Most importantly, Kenya has to demand for specific and tangible outcomes from the TFG. After all, Kenya has had a stake in the very formation of the various TFGs. The TFGs are and have been frail and no one expects much in the way of military accomplishments. However, it has to shore up its rhetoric and instead of appearing complicit toward Al-Shabaab, it has to make it stand clear.

In addition, Kenya, the TFG and Ethiopia have to be willing to talk to Al-Shabaab. This is a very strategic and cost effective way of ending the quagmire in Somalia. Many will see this as bizarre proposition. The truth is, it is not. If the US could talk to factions in Iraq and Afghanistan, Kenya and other east African member states can do so as well. What everyone wants, at the end of the day, is peace and whatever means is available has to be utilized to achieve it.

Abdifatah Shafat,
Email:abdifatahshafat@gmail.com

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The Writer is a Ph.D. student, University of Kansas.

Source: www.wardheernews.com

INTERVIEW WITH ABDI FARAH WHO IS CONTESTING DUJIS (GARISSA) CONSTITUENCY AS A MEMBER OF KENYA PARLIAMENT

WardheerNews June 30, 2011

Editor’s Note: In our continued series of interviews with influential Kenya-Somalis, WardheerNews has learned of an important political contestant who is seeking to address the developmental retardation in Garissa County. In an interview covering political, social, and economic issues facing Dujis Constituency, parliamentary aspirant Abdi Farah exposes his vision to WDN readers and to his constituents. Mr. Abdi has vast proven record in government and in international organizations. Here is the comprehensive coverage WardheerNews had with Mr. Abdi Farah.
____________________________

WardheerNews (WDN): Mr. Abdi, to begin with, could you please tell us about your background?

Abdi Farah (AF): I come from Garissa town and schooled both primary and secondary at Garissa. I studied in India, Canada, and Kenya for post-secondary education. I have work experience ranging from Government, Non-Governmental organization, quasi-governmental institutions and the private sector. I am a self-starter and motivated to improve the living conditions of the people in Garissa. I have no allegiance to the status quo and really coming with fresh ideas.

Abdi Farah

WDN: WardheerNews has learned that you are contesting Dujis Constituency. What motivated you to plunge into Kenya's political arena?

AF: I am contesting for Dujis constituency Parliamentary seat. This constituency has seen three elected representatives since independence. Each one of them has put in his time and effort to make a difference and they did in their own way. In my own way I think I have what it takes to make the next leap.

We need to have a strategy to address youth unemployment; we need to address cultural livelihood issues; we need to have a clear frame of mind on how to utilize the devolved funds; we need to discuss on how to benefit our communities on natural resources such as land, rivers, international boarders, and human capital. All these will need leadership with a vision and ability to create an environment for sharing information. I think I can be that person for Dujis.

WDN: Tell us about the Dujis constituents that you would like to represent in parliament?

AF: Dujis has an area of about 4,000 square kilometers and is the host of the biggest city in the region. It is the most populated; it lies on the Tana River. It has 22% school enrollment, 7% dropout and ranks among the lowest rate in performance in the country. Girl child education is lower than the average. The poverty index is average in Kenyan terms and 40% live on less than a dollar a day. The rainfall pattern is erratic and insufficient.

Other parameters of development are also not amusing but the constituency has huge numbers of livestock population, arable and semi-arable, land and Permanent River.

WDN: According to recent Kenya census, the population of Kenya-Somali has grown exponentially. Do the number of elected officials who represent the Somali-inhabited region reflect the population size of Kenya-Somalis?

AF: Our problem in representation is not population. It is the vastness of the area that poses greater problem to representatives. This is because some of the constituencies are over 20,000 square kilometers and there are no road networks. Other infrastructures are non-existent and other means of communication are not there.  

WDN: The Kenya constitution stipulates the creation of two houses of parliament i.e. a Lower House and Upper House. Which one are you contesting?

AF: We have the senate and the parliament. I am going for the parliament. It will have 350 members and I hope to be one of them.

WDN: Which political Party do you belong to?

AF: The political landscape in Kenya is ever changing. There are new alliances every day and others going out of the map. I am on the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) side of the spectrum.

WDN: The constituency you are vying to represent has in the past suffered myriads of problems including mounting insecurity, abject poverty, limited resources, declining education, poor infrastructure, political obscurantism, insurmountable misappropriation of county treasury, and lastly but not least state oppression and marginalization. What grand scheme do you have in place to reverse these negative trends?

AF: Some of the issues are historical and as a result of poor governance. Some are as a result of poor planning and taking advantage of citizen’s ignorance on rights and responsibilities. Some are cultural and systemic. We need to view every issue with its perspective and under the microscope of change for the better.

WDN: Besides being arid, Dujis Constituency is suitable for agriculture since it is sustained by the meandering Tana River. However, the constituency has been beset by adverse environmental factors and ecological degradations. With allocation of sufficient funds and agricultural expertise, don't you think the suffering and appalling living conditions of the constituents can be alleviated through soil conservation, land consolidation, and strenuous agroforestry measures and other suitable techniques?

AF: Our people are pastoralist and have the knowledge or know-how to keep livestock. We have the land and the livestock itself. We have plenty of water from the river. Over the years the problem has been there was discordance between government policies and peoples’ wishes. The policy was trying to turn herdsmen to farmers and put policies towards this.

This in my view is counterproductive and self-defeating. If we put resource to better the condition of our livestock so that they are disease-free and well fed throughout the year then we can compete in the international markets like Botswana and other livestock based economies in the world.  This will be my focus so that our people can be allowed and assisted for them to do what they can do best.

WDN: Statistics indicate that Garissa County has the highest concentration of livestock in east and central Africa yet little revenue is generated from livestock marketing sales to revive the county. Do you have any answer to the causes of this pathetic economic drain?

AF: It is true our livestock population has little value to sustain our economic power base. First of all this is because the government has no input into the production of the livestock. The local authorities just go to the market to milk the local farmer without any input. This is an industry that can sustain the nation if managed properly.

I will in this regard allocate specific resource to both stimulate production as well as marketing and market environment. I believe this will be attainable within the first five years. 

WDN: Tell us how you are different from current and past legislatures when it comes to overturning the decline visible in your constituency?

AF: In the past resource mobilization was donor or Government dependent. I will endeavor to raise resource locally, nationally, and internationally. In the past, resource allocation was done without a laid strategy or agreed upon plan. The allocation will be broad based and with priorities set by the community. In the past, resource utilization was geared towards self-interest, individual favors, and lacked transparency. It will be my duty to make sure resource is utilized efficiently.

WDN: Dujis constituency has the hallmarks of inter-tribal rivalry and blood feuds. What measures do you have in place to prevent such incidents from happening again in the future?

AF: This is true but in a small scale. Such conflicts are as a result of poor governance and lack of equity in the distribution of resources. I will establish constituency committee in clan relations and will monitor resource distribution so there is transparency and equity in all community projects. This will avoid frustration that can lead to violence and groupings.

WDN The absence of visible infrastructure and industrialization may be blamed for the massive unemployment in your constituency. Could you tell our esteemed readers if you have any manifested plans for resolving this negative scenario.

AF: Unemployment is real in our area, but again is self made or rather a state of mind. For example, there are over 100,000 men and women who come to the region from only lower eastern province for jobs and close to 30% of these are in Dujis constituency yet our youth are unemployed. People are mostly employed by the private sector and if the government wants to create jobs the direction is to commission massive projects.

 If the youth don’t want to work at the construction industry, if they don’t want to work at the farming industry, if they will not work at the manufacturing industry then there is a problem.

We need to educate our youth both those who went to school and those who did not that if they are willing to work hard for a whole day it is ok to make cement blocks or water flowers. We need to empower them with the skills of modern workforce and organize them accordingly. We need to give them support both financial and technical for them to move forward. Once we have made this shift then we can create jobs.

WDN:  Women, children, and minorities have been neglected for a long time due to the lack of state subsidies that could be used to elevate their living standards. Compared to other regions of Kenya, child mortality rates in your constituency display grim statistics. Do you have a feasible action plan to resuscitate this marginalized group within the society you plan to represent? If so, how will you implement it?

AF: Improving the demographic health status of a community is multi-dimensional. It could be health related or other social determinants of health. At present, our main challenge in the provision of healthcare is getting service providers. There are many facilities; the government has put effort in availing necessary equipment and drugs. Where we have major problem is the staffing of the facilities and public education on the utilization of available services.

We will improve this by putting resource into the existing medical training college so that the enrollment includes many cadres and there is deliberate bias towards locals to boost the numbers very fast. It will also be prudent to recruit students right from the schools so that we have targeted numbers over a period of time. 

WDN: Lamenting on the poor educational standards of Kenya-Somalis, one Kenyan president was quoted as saying in Kiswahili: “elimu ya Msomali haipiti form four”. This statement simply translates to “a Somali's education terminates in the fourth form (twelfth grade in high school)”. It is a statement that seems to hold water because your constituency lags behind other regions in higher education. Due to government neglect and widespread malfeasance, the yearly quota system allocated to your constituency is not commensurate with the explosive population of high school graduates. Tell us how you plan to create an institution of higher learning and the projected impact it will have on your constituents who lack equal employment opportunities.

AF: We do have institutions of higher learning and middle level colleges in Garissa. There is the teachers college, the medical training center, The NEP technical college, NEP college of Health Sciences, and Umul-Qura Islamic University. In addition, the University of Nairobi, Moi University, and Kenyatta University have affiliate colleges in Garissa. There is also the proposed NEP university college which has been budgeted for but has not started functions.

The point is, getting admission to higher education is not a major problem but the handicap is lack of resource to assure continuity to the young man and young woman. Our community even those who are blessed with riches, education is not a priority. I intend to create a scholarship fund that can be accessed by all students and ensure all graduates of high school are able to go to the institutions of their choice and develop a career of their choice. 

WDN: Issuance of national identity cards to Kenya-Somalis has long been a burning issue in all sectors of society. Prevalence of graft in the office having jurisdiction over the processing of ID cards has left many Kenya-Somalis in a state of deprivation and statelessness. Recently, the Kenya Government announced that two million ID cards will be distributed to eligible Kenyans of legal age. If elected, how will you influence the Kenya government to preserve the inalienable rights of Kenya-Somalis as regards national identity?

AF: This is an issue that touches many hearts and souls and is an issue that has far reaching impact than the eye can see. I believe that ID as it is used today is a colonial hangover that needs to be eliminated totally. It is an entry point of all corrupt deals whether from a chief, a vetting committee, the police or even the registration officers. It merits no significance since it is not tied to any social benefit. It is an immigration document that has for long time become a police tool. The rules of getting one are based on discrimination and lacks clear guidance.

Despite all this, it is mandatory for all Kenyans over the age of 18 years to have one. Ordinarily, a citizen should just walk into an office and declare his/her age, fill a form and just get it or be told on when to come for it. At present there is a vetting committee and the requirements change from region to region. The issuance and availability of the registration team is also controlled and very slow in going to certain areas. I will lobby for a change in the system. I will agitate for equity and equality. I will advocate for law, order, justice and respect for the rights of individual citizen. Above all. I will stand for the rights of the people of Garissa.

WDN: Thanks for sharing your time with our esteemed readers. 

AF: Thank you for providing me the opportunity to share my plan for Dujis Constituency

Source: www.wardheernews.com 

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INTERVIEW WITH ALI BUNOW KORANE WHO IS VYING FOR THE GOVERNORSHIP OF GARISSA COUNTY, NORTH EASTERN PROVINCE , KENYA

June 01, 2011

Editor's Note: With the promulgation of a new constitution for the Republic of Kenya, the political landscape of North Eastern Province, a region dominated by Kenya-Somalis, is about to change. What was once Garissa District has now become Garissa County. Among the political aspirants for the position of Governorship is Mr. Ali Bunow Korane, a figure who is well revered in the region. WardheerNews had the pleasure to interview Mr. Korane himself .

Wardheernews (WDN): Mr. Korane, can you briefly tell us about your background?

Ali Bunow Korane (ABK):  I am a son of Garissa County with 25 years government experience at administrative, policy, and security management levels. I have various certificates, Diplomas, three academic degrees; one Bachelor and two Masters and currently pursuing a Masters in Business Administration (MBA).

WDN: Could you please give us specific information on the circumstances that led you to run for the position of governor for Garissa County?

ABK: The concept of a devolved government is a new one mooted under the recently promulgated constitution. The setting up of a government at the county level will face a number of challenges. While the challenges to be faced by the counties are common for all the 47 counties nationwide, the pastoralist counties of which Garissa is one will face tremendous challenges. Among these are:

1. The counties are already victims of low intensity wars over resources and these will be exacerbated by the new contest for positions and resources allocation.
2. Clan structures and family allegiance have overtime emerged as the strongest basis for political mobilization. The resultant stiff competition for positions and resources will likely further marginalize minority clans and others often classified as peripheral and corner tribes groupings.
3. Weak and ineffective institutional capacity,  the low levels of education and the migration of the professional class to Nairobi has left the local  leadership in the hands of semi-literate mediocre individuals.
4. Poor infrastructure, large land mass, environmental degradation and clan settlement patterns will generally pose serious challenges thus compromising the process of political mobilization.

To address these challenges I believe requires a leadership with the requisite experience in government, management and above all a clear understanding of the people and their aspiration. After careful reflection I have concluded I am the right person for the challenging governor’s job.

WDN: In the past, district leadership was based on nomination by the decree of the president, recently that system has changed. What can you tell us about the current system of electing the governor?

ABK: The Governor under the new constitution will be elected by the whole of Garissa County as a single constituency. Once elected he/she will be the executive, administrative, and political head of the county government. He/she will be assisted by a County Executive Committee (cabinet) appointed by him/her and approved by an elected county assembly. The county government will be independent in its operations and will not be subordinate to the National government.

WDN: How many candidates are currently listed to run for the post, and do they represent various parties or they are independent?

ABK: Although there are three individuals who have so far indicated interest in the seat, this is not entirely indicative of the final number of candidates when election comes next year. Candidates can run as party members or as independents.

WDN: What is your political party?

ABK: I am in the party of National unity which is a coalition of many parties. It is likely that this party will transform into another alliance of parties closer to election.

WDN: Kenya is considered one of Africa's largest economy and East Africa's economic powerhouse, yet the Somali inhabited region is lagging behind the rest of the country.What do you think are causes of the lack of progress and development in Kenya's North Eastern province?

ABK: North Eastern Kenya has had a sad history of marginalization in both pre and post independence periods of Kenya’s history. This is due to a combination of factors including oppressive government policies; poor leadership, environmental factors and perennial low intensity inter clan resource conflicts, among others.

WDN: Why is it that the concerns and interests of the Ethnic Somalis were not voiced, particularly when there are many Kenya-Somalis in the high ranks of government?

ABK: Somalis have occupied two levels of senior positions in the Kenya Government. These were at political and civil service levels. At the civil service levels they were policy implementers mainly serving other Kenyans in parts outside North Eastern Kenya. It was the responsibility of elected political leaders to influence government policy towards the Somalis. Unfortunately they failed to deliver on this score.

WDN: If you were to be elected governor, how are you going to enhance the growth of the county notably by eradicating extreme poverty and hunger and educating the mass, combating diseases and violation of human rights, developmental and self-sufficiency programs?

ABK: The social situation in the county is very grave on any measure of human development. The extreme poverty level, currently estimated at 71% of the population negatively affects every aspect of life. There have also been large scale human rights abuses by the security forces over the years. I am determined to make my contribution in reversing the suffering of our people.

WDN: How will you create peace and harmony and advance inter-county partnership among people who have been separated by self-interest politics ever since independence and the sweeping martial law?

ABK: Without peace and inter clan harmony there can be no meaningful development in the county. The source of conflict is two fold: Politics and environmental. Also, we see conflicts created by political incitement and those created by competition for scarce resources. I will deal ruthlessly with any opportunistic political inciters and introduce measures to mitigate against environmental factors.

WDN: What commitments will you make to save women and children and the environment of the county you are vying for?

ABK: In any hardship social situation, the greatest suffering goes to the women and children. In our county the effects of extreme poverty, poor access to education and health and conflicts have been felt most by our women and children. My heart bleeds for them and I am determined to improve their situation if elected.

WDN: How will you empower young professionals who completed high schools and colleges to either get jobs or advance their education?

ABK: Since independence our region was left behind in education. Fortunately, our people have now appreciated the value of education and are making efforts to educate their children under difficult circumstances. Unfortunately these positive efforts have coincided with times of serious  unemployment. I will endeavor to support the efforts of the parents by introducing generous bursaries, sponsorships, and employment creation initiatives.

WDN: Recent Kenya census indicated growth of ethnic Somalis, yet Garissa which is among the biggest cities in Kenya and the largest in the Somali inhabited region does not have a university. To expand the opportunity of higher education, does your plan include establishing the first university in North Eastern Kenya? Or in other words, why has a university with remarkable faculties not been established in North Eastern Kenya?

ABK: The failure to establish a fully fledged university in North Eastern is part of the many policy failures, neglect, and marginalization by successive Kenya governments. As governor I am determined to reverse this policy. I have in the past immensely contributed to the development of education in the county. I spearheaded the establishment of public secondary schools, established the first private elementary school in the county, recently opened the first private girl’s high school and intend to build a boys high school and a college this year. With this firm foundation in education, I am determined to establish the first public university in Garissa county.

WDN: Good luck Mr. Ali Buno Korane in your political endeavors and thanks for giving WDN your precious time.

ABK: Thanks WDN for giving me the time to share with you my views and ideas.

WardheerNews
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