This blog is dedicated to the great people of Galana Maro. Named after Galana Maro, a mighty, meandering river that traverses the plains of Northeastern Kenya, the blog is intended to usher in peace and prosperity among the inhabitants of this vast region and serve as a meeting place for the dedicated peace activists, professionals and the great Diaspora whose struggles for connectivity resulted in the the creation of this beautifully crafted blog.
Editor’s Note: WardheerNews brings to its readers an in-depth interview with Mohamud Ahmed Ismail, a distinguished Kenyan-Somali professional pilot and a former retired Major of the Kenya Army. Mr. Mohamud talks about growing up in a nomadic culture in North Eastern Kenya, his professional life as a pilot and the aviation industry in East Africa. The interview was conducted for WardheerNews by Adan Makina, who is currently based in Kenya.
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WardheerNews (WDN): Welcome to WardheerNews Mr. Mohamud. Could you please tell our readers about your background history especially a touch on your education and professional training?
Pilot Mohamud Ahmed
Pilot Mohamud: Thank you brother Makina and the whole fraternity of WardheerNews for having me. It’s a pleasure and a privilege I cannot fathom! I was born in the northern outskirts of Garissa, near the small town called Sakha to a Somali camel herdsmen way back in the early sixties when Kenya was almost attaining its independence. Three months later my father passed away, May Allah (Subxaanahu Wa Tacaalaa) admit him to Jannah, Aammiin.
I passed through the rigmarous of an orphan in that environmental settings. My mother got married to one of my distant uncles and we had to move to Bura, where people rare cows and are more riverine. By the age of four, I was looking after goats and cows of course, with the tutelage of senior boys, and occasionally girls. By the stroke of fate, I developed some complications on my right leg and it almost became gangrenous. My relatives thought that I was of no use and they brought me to Bura town to join my mum as they presumed me beyond economic value. I got treated in the most painful ways. They pierced five spots of my tight femur with a red hot iron rod. The pains were excruciating and lots of pus and blood oozed out. A few weeks down the line, I was up and able to walk.
I was taken to a local Dugsi or Islamic religious school but I ran away after less than a year as I couldn’t sustain the memorization and the constant beatings. My mother took me to the local primary school lest my elder relatives return me to herding. I joined Garissa High School and later I was taken to do Physiotherapy at a Nairobi College. I was moved by the massacres and the harrowing experiences of the women and children of the infamous 1980 Garissa Gubaay or the burning of Garissa. Immediately, I joined the Kenya Armed Forces in 1981 who were then the alleged culprits of murder and mayhem in Garissa.
WDN: What attracted you to the aviation industry and how did you become a pilot in the first place?
Pilot Mohamud: Well, as was the joining of the Armed Forces, I became a pilot by the stroke of fate. In one of the days of career choices, I thought I should try and do the Pilots’ Aptitude Test to avoid doing some heavy physical work. By then, I had never been close to any aircraft. The test was tough and the time given unbelievably was short. Amazingly, I did well and after being Commissioned as a Second Lieutenant, by the then President Daniel Arab Moi, I was among the fortunate ones who were shipped to Nairobi as Flight Cadets.
WDN: What type of aircrafts have you flown and for how long have you been airborne?
Pilot Mohamud: I have flown various types of Aircrafts. Both Fixed Wing and Rotorcrafts or Helicopters are in my licenses. I have flown a total of over 12,000 hours in both categories.
WDN: In Kenya, Somalis have been leading other ethnic groups in aircraft ownership. What gives Kenya-Somalis leverage over ethnic groups in terms of aircraft ownership?
Pilot Mohamud: The breakdown of the Siad Barre Government has been the harbinger of glad tidings for the Somali Aviation businesses. Due to the lack of good road, rail and sea transport, Aviation transport became the only viable option. The inter-clan wars, the sprawling up of self-styled militias, mercenaries, pirates and gun-totting, ramshackle armed groups whose source of income was to kill, maim and forcefully abduct any vehicle, ship and their valuable cargo has given rise to aviation as the sole transport option. International aid groups and the UN has also been moving their aid cargo by air. Only Somali-owned or competent related entities got entry into the Kenyan aviation arena and the end result was a safe haven and an enhanced aviation industry. So is the sprawling Kenyan Registered aircraft owned mainly by Kenyan-Somalis or anyone else who satisfied the Kenyan Regulatory Authority as to their ability to run a safe and a reliable air industry.
WDN: Everyday, tons of the mind-altering drug known to Somalis as Qaad is delivered to various destinations inside Somalia either by speeding Toyota Land Cruisers nicknamed ‘kabeyr’ or by ramshackle jets assembled in the former Soviet Union. Have you ever flown aircraft that deliver Miraa to Somalia that you would consider unfit to fly or outrageously dangerous to operate?
Pilot Mohamud: Dozens of aircrafts fly to Somalia carrying these cargo. However, no Soviet made aircraft has been registered in Kenya to ferry Miraa. It’s a lie and a misnomer. The carriers have always been American, Canadian and to a lesser extent, European manufactured aircrafts. The Cessna, the Beechcraft, De Havilland, the Hawker Siddeley, and the Fokker are the main aircrafts on these routes.
WDN: Are there dangers that discourage pilots from flying into Somali airspace? If there are perceived dangers of any sort, how can they be amended, overcome or rectified so that an airspace that conforms to international standards can be enforced for Somalia?
Pilot Mohamud: There are myriads of challenges that hamper pilots venturing into the Somali airspace. There is no reliable regulatory authority to provide air traffic control and navigation, weather, and search and rescue for Somali airspace. Airworthiness and ground handling services, just to mention a few, seem to be missing. The risk associated with flying into Somali airspace is like flying into a dead airspace with the possibility of meeting air pirates and an alien missile from a mad warlord heavy on a mind-altering substance.
Editor’s Note: To better understand the state of affairs of Kenya Somali inhabited regions , particularly Garissa county since the adaption of County Governance System, where each county is managed by an elected local official, WardheerNews is pleased to bring to you an exclusive interview with Abdirahim Farah, a former Parliamentary aspirant for Garissa township. A man well-versed in how the county and the country operates, Abdirahim sheds light on the growing insecurity and malfeasance in the county and the Kenya nation as a whole. The interview was conducted for WardheerNews by our own Adan Makina. ……………….
Wardheer News (WDN): Abdirahim Farah welcome back to Wardheer News; since our last interview in June 30, 2011, are there any progress in the country, and what is your current assessment of the socio-economic and political situation in Kenya, particularly your home region, Garissa County?
Abdirahim Farah
Abdirahim: Adan thank you for the interview and I have come to recognize WardheerNews as a partner in information sharing since our last encounter. I would also like to wish WardheerNews and the audience Happy Eiddul-fitri.
Kenya is continuously evolving in all directions. The change experienced in the past two years as a nation is both negative and positive. The new style of governance as occasioned by the new constitution is both interesting and frustrating especially to the old guards. We have witnessed major state resource in terms of budgetary allocation towards development. Infrastructure has been given a lot of serious attention, youth empowerment and gender equity is in focus, poverty reduction and support of vulnerable groups is highlighted and many other positive moves. On the other hand, there is gross misappropriation of resources, insecurity of unlevelled magnitude and most of all deterioration of basic rights of the citizen. The negative observations are more pronounced in our region and the positives have been reaching us at snails speed.
WDN: What significant progress do you see since the creation of the county government in the last general election in 2013 and the subsequent devolution of power that gave the Somali-dominated region the right to sort out their differences and embark on the road to recovery and progress, particularly in the area of employment and economic developments?
Abdirahim: Let me start with by saying first of all devolution is the best thing that has happened to our region and for the pastoralist in general since independence. A lot of financial resource that never came to the region before was seen at our disposal. The sectors that were devolved benefited immensely and we hope others like education should be devolved.
But like all inventions, there is a learning process. We have to learn how to dispense and what controls to put on expenditure. I will say in the first years this process was far from perfect. My hope and prayer is we will improve as we grow and the National Government will continue supporting and increasing the resource to the counties.
WDN: Although, Kenya, in its quest for a devolved system of governance adapted a County Government system, however, it still upholds non-elected county commissioners. What is the role of these county commissioners and do their roles overlap or conflict with that of the authority of the county governors?
Abdirahim: In the structure of governance, devolution comes under the Ministry of devolution and National Planning. There are fifteen other ministries under the national government whose functions have not been devolved or half devolved. It is also good to note that Kenya as a nation was borne from a colonial setting and some of the cultures of governance were inherited from the colonial father who made us believe that it is the way of doing business of governance. We have not been bold enough to throw away some of the structures that support colonialist thinking. This includes the provincial administration, the national identification card and the use of brute force in policing. As this is the norm, our style of governance will continue to include provincial administration and the justification is always that they coordinate government activities. In the new constitutional dispensation their role has been consumed by the county structure and should have been long gone. But because of our mindset, this is likely to stay and duplicate the county structure.
WDN: Garissa has been in the international media spotlight mainly after the attack on the Garissa University College this year when approximately 148 aspiring college students were indiscriminately gunned down in cold blood by suspected extremist elements. What followed next was a massive departure of teachers and healthcare professionals from other regions and a prolonged curfew that hurt the economy and the general living conditions of the public in Garissa County. Do you think the administration running Garissa County and the national security apparatus were well prepared to avert the impending security fiasco that shook the region unawares?
Abdirahim: No, they were not well prepared and might not be any time soon. I say so because; in the Garissa university incident the authorities got information of the incident. In fact they even put a note for the students to stay vigilant due to eminent attack. If they could not evert this, then which one can they do? In fact even giving the students small training on what to do incase anything like this happens would have been helpful. Rumors has that all senior officers had gone for Easter, the police patrol vehicles were grounded because of no fuel and those police men on site left because they did not have enough ammunition. This was a total failure of the national security and blaming Garissa leaders and residents is to me a big shame. Garissa people are as victims as the students. We suffer at the hands of the terrorists and at the hands of the security organs.
Security is the prerogative of the state and the security personal have their job description to secure the lives and property of the citizens. If they fail, no one else can play their role.
WDN: How would you assess Garissa County Government’s handling of the socio economic affairs of its people, is Garissa County Government all-inclusive and is on the right pass toward advancing the development of the county both human and infrastructure in pace with the rest of the country?
Abdirahim: Below average. This is because mainly we are learning the process of devolution and there is no proper guide or a mentor. When we realize the resource available is enough for everyone if managed and cannot sustain one person if mismanaged, then we will have an all-inclusive, process oriented and development focused county. But as long as we are operating on a clan focused and it-is-my-time to eat attitude, then we will not go far.
The latter is the situation at the moment. It is exacerbated by the fact there is leadership deficiency and lack of systems.
WDN: Corruption has grown widespread in the county government and misappropriation of funds has rendered the county government totally broke. Case in point, recent reports indicated the governor of Garissa County was allegedly implicated in the leasing of ambulances from Emergency Plus Medical Services, a company fully owned by the Kenya Red Cross. What can you tell us about the scale of corruption in the county and what do you think can be done to overturn these sad events that are eating away every fabric of county governance?
Abdirahim: I don’t know much about corruption in the county government, but I can tell you for sure corruption is rampant in Kenya. Some are very obvious and others in the closets. Staffs of the county have been staff of the National government so there must be devolved corruption by default. The major fuel for corruption is laxity or lack of law enforcement and poor control mechanism. As said by wise men before 10% of the population are saints, 10% are hard core criminals and the remaining 80% are opportunists. If these opportunists are not controlled, they create a situation where every individual interest is the law. If law enforcement unit fails to function or is compromised, crime thrives. This is the situation in Kenya and it is in every corner of the country.
WDN: How is the state of the education and health sector in the county after the April 2015 Garissa University College Attack?
Abdirahim: The health sector is devolved and the county governments have the power to hire and fire. All staff who left were immediately replaced and there is no much problem although we don’t have locals to feel in some of the gaps.
Education is not devolved and schools have functionally closed. Our children are not likely to excel in the exams and some have already dropped out of school.
This is a major concern. We already had problems of getting local staff for our facilities and now we will miss generations. For the short term we are negotiating with county governments and Parliamentarians to allocate emergency funds for the hiring of local untrained teachers to fill the gap. In the long run we are requesting for devolution of the sector.
WDN: The greatest enemy of every Kenya-Somali inhabited region is clannism/tribalism. Do you think the current county government has failed in its attempts to restrain clannism/tribalism? How deeply rooted is clannism/tribalism in the county?
Abdirahim: Tribalism, clannism and nepotism are as old as Kenya and is not a monopoly of Somalis. If you look into our political parties and voting pattern, it is always my tribe, my person. When appointments and power-sharing is being negotiated, it is based on region and tribe. So this has become our trademark. Our region however has patented a more negative approach that is not even based on any value but settlements of areas that have no economic value. This is being fueled by politicians who count their clans as their voters and the rest as their opposition’s voters. If our politics change to party politics and the communities are orientated on voting for party ideals, then we are likely to see positive change. If we continue tribal politics and vote on those lines, then the onion pill will continue going down fold after fold.
WDN: Following President Uhuru Kenyatta’s appointment of Ambassador Mohamud Ali Saleh as the new regional coordinator for North Eastern, residents of the region have once again expressed optimism that he will bring the region to normalcy. Since Ambassador Saleh’s appointment, have you sensed any formal change in the security of the region?
Abdirahim: Ambassador Saleh and Commander Omar Shurie were tasked to bring sanity to the region and we have a lot of hope in them. They have also placed under them in every county a Somali from the region as the county commissioner of police. In my opinion this will work if they send on the ground Somali soldiers to support them. This is because they know the terrain and have the heart to fight for it. It is too early to say or notice change but I am optimistic.
WDN: The Governor of Wajir County, Mr. Ahmed Abdullahi and his dedicated team have been praised for transforming and accelerating Wajir County in terms of Agri-business, prospecting minerals, investment opportunities, renewable energy, and livestock farming, yet, Garissa County, having the biggest concentration of livestock in East and Central Africa and a meandering River Tana, is decelerating and has nothing to show off or offer to its struggling war-wary citizens. Why is such a resourceful region lagging behind other regions politically, socially, and economically?
Abdirahim: Necessity they say is the mother of invention. Garissa County has both a permanent river and more solid clan base in that over 90% of its population comes from only the Ogaden clan. The other counties of Northern Kenya have more complex clan mix and less natural resource. Yet they seem to be more organized and more focused on development. I am not sure how much of a success has been registered so far but certainly I will say a lot of the changes is due to the leadership. With focused, fair and all-inclusive leadership much can be achieved with the resource available. Without these we will be in merry-go-round of constant blame, shame and failure.
WDN: Do you anticipate running for a political office in 2017?
For the first time in the fifty years of independence, we have an opportunity to develop Northern Kenya; a region so marginalized that its people’s dignity and social justice is among the lowest in the country.
Very few people in the region can access basic needs. Lack of proper healthcare, hardship, and poor nutrition are a reality, it is no wonder the average life expectancy in the region is 10 years below the national average. Only 5% of the population can access clean piped water, with the larger majority having to walk for kilometers to fetch the life-giving commodity.
Healthcare is a luxury in this part of the country. Medical services are poorly equipped and staffed, and sparsely located, forcing most residents to travel long distances on treacherous roads to access the service. But even after being attended to by the clinical officers or nurses at the facilities, diagnosing ailments is harder due to lack of necessary equipment, or electricity to run the machines.
Infrastructural development in the region is non-existent that the people only hear of good roads in stories. Northern Kenya does not have even a kilometer of tarmacked road. Electricity is also unheard of. Schoolchildren use candles and lanterns during night preps.
Devolution brings hope that the difficulties bedeviling the region and its inhabitants will be tackled with visionary leadership, and efficient management of resources. Devolution is expected to channel about Ksh.25 Billion annually to Garissa, Wajir and Mandera Counties, and an estimated Ksh.300 billion in 10 years cumulatively. This is a massive amount of resources that can transform the region if invested wisely through well thought out strategies with mid and long term plans to change it from the hopeless poverty stricken region it is today, to a region that can create wealth and add value to the exchequer, and stand with pride among its equals.
Past and present regimes have attempted to mitigate poverty in the region by distributing relief supplies and sinking boreholes. These stopgap measures during famine and other emergencies have done very little to eliminate poverty. Besides, they have created a culture of dependency and laziness among the local communities.
The county governments should formulate ways that encourage residents to fend for themselves and create personal wealth. It has been observed that when individuals take initiatives to change their lives and prosper, given the right infrastructure and support, their concerted efforts creates a stronger and wealthier society.
The governors should take stock of the available resources in the region and harness it by adding value to realize its full potential. For instance, livestock is a major resource in this region. Northern Kenya is home to about 60% of the indigenous livestock population in the country. It supplies more than half of the beef industry’s demand, and 60% of the chevon and mutton requirement. The meat products from this part of the country are high quality and organic, a much sought after quality in the international market.
However, due to non-existent marketing programs or structures, the farmers throw away their animals at pathetic prices. The price of this quality meat is lower than any other produce grown in other parts of the country. You can imagine a kilo of organic meat going at a lower rate than wheat, sugar, maize flour etc.
To uplift these communities from poverty, the county governments must invest in robust marketing strategies and ensure that the local farmer gets value for their livestock. These can be realized by creating disease free zones, modern slaughterhouses, an internationally certified laboratory for disease control, and access to the lucrative markets of the EU and the Middle East.
Currently, we cannot export our meat products to high value markets due to lack of a disease control program, and the drug residues found in meat. However, these can be overcome if the above measures are put in place. Sudan has achieved this standard and is the biggest exporter of mutton and small live ruminants to the gulf market. Even some regions in lawless Somalia have achieved these standards and are able to export to those markets and obtain high prices for their meat and live animals.
With the above strategies and exposure to the markets, it is possible to achieve optimal meat prices of 300% northward of the current prevailing rates. The ideal price through such initiatives would be $1,500, $1,000 and $150 for camel, beef cattle and sheep/goats, respectively. This would translate into complete poverty reduction and eventual elimination of reliance on relief food for the livestock farmer in the region.
The life of the pastoralist would be transformed by enhanced animal husbandry, proper use of animal health products, and creation of new model of business like feedlots and livestock trade, like those found in South Africa, Australia and Brazil. It would also have a ripple effect on school enrolment because an enlightened, informed and wealthy farmer would improve family life by educating his children.
Meat products supply and delivery to major consumer counties should also be streamlined, and efficient systems employed to reduce on transport cost that currently consumes 20% of the sale value of beef cattle. Transportation of live animals in trucks should be done away with and refrigerated trucks introduced to ferry the carcasses to Nairobi and other major towns. This would reduce transport cost by 75% because a refrigerated lorry can load 5 times more (slaughtered) animals than is achieved with the live animals.
From an enhanced livestock development program, there would be an added opportunity of tapping into the leather industry. The region is one of the largest sources of hides and skins, and the sector can be developed further by establishing a leather processing plant in one of the counties, with collection points in the other two. This would also raise the price of the raw materials from the villages, improving individuals’ income to the benefit of the local communities.
The other area the county governments should focus on for value addition is the agricultural farmer. The banks of River Tana in Garissa and River Daua in Mandera have attracted small scale farming since the early 1980s, and despite the warm and humid weather condition, locals are able to successfully cultivate cash crops that do well in the region. Bananas, pawpaw, mangos, melons, oranges, tomatoes and onions are some of the crops grown in the area and there is always surplus that can be exported to other parts of the country.
The farmers who are originally pastoralists do not have enough knowledge in crop farming, agricultural economics and marketing of their produce. This is an area, which the county government could support through training, providing quality seedlings, offering technical knowhow, developing infrastructure within and outside the farms, and marketing of the produce.
To encourage farming and ensure that the sector becomes viable to the farmer, the governments should create a one-off revolving fund that supports the farmers to market their crops. This can be achieved by setting up warehouses in major towns for collection and purchase of produce from the farmers. The government then creates outlets to sell the produce in major consuming regions like Nairobi. The county authority can add a marginal mark up to cater for overheads, but the main objective being to support the farmer and uplift living conditions in the region. This way the smallholder is protected from the rigorous process of trying to find a buyer for his produce, and is allowed more time to focus on the farm to improve the quality of his crops.
Kenya is a consumer of Egyptian produce, especially fruits grown in the harsh climate of the North African country using the irrigated water from River Nile. We have less severe weather conditions and higher average rainfall in Northern Kenya to enable us replicate the Egyptian irrigation system, and export our produce to markets around the world.
With these small changes and adjustments, a lot can be achieved in turning around the fortunes of the communities living in the northern region.
The history of people of Cushitic extracts or of like features residing in Kenya’s Eastern and North Eastern Provinces (formerly the Northern Frontier Districts or in short NFD) irradiates concealed treasures of historical value retrievable from a few surviving super-centenarian storytellers possessing narratives worthy of recitation. These are sequences of events worth deciphering that seem to be far from the reach of our local historians in far away libraries or for some unknown reasons that have not been documented to this day.
It is a history laden with courage and wit, maladies and famine that afflicted humans, wild and domesticated animals alike; it is one of murder, locust invasions, and blizzards, rape of women and girls, and cattle rustling. It details a cornucopia of occurrences during the colonial administration; it features immeasurable wealth of information regarding past tribal clashes between the various Somali sub-clans and the Borana which dragged on for over a hundred years.
Ironically, since majority of pastoralists were illiterate, these events became a tool for ascertaining the exact birth dates for people of the same age groups as the few semi-literate able-bodied men familiar with the Gregorian and Hegirae calendars migrated to the towns in search of better prospects-most probably to work for the colonial administrations as spies, cooks, translators, watchmen, and as armed askaris (soldiers but in the real sense Administration Policemen locally known as “Duubcas” as they were known to wear turbans for headgear).
What mattered most to these people about time and periodic occurrences were not birthday celebrations with cakes and cookies. Instead, it was about having strength and equanimity, a wealth of livestock and sons, religious conviction, abundant water and pasture, poetic eminence, and steadfast tribal warriors during difficult times.
The sense of humor chronicled in these events despite containing vulgarities and utterly promiscuous exploits is not intended in any way or form to malign the good name or reputation of any entity or tribe, but is being presented here to show cultural correlations between these tribes and their recorded important historical events.
Chronology of events
1901. Baahale civil war between Mohamed Zubeir, Auliyahan, and Bah-Geri. 1904. The year of Khalu. Perhaps he was a great Borana warrior who wanted to wage war against Somalis but gave up the idea after he entered Kenya from Ethiopia. 1906. The year of devastating famine when all camels were eaten in Garissa District because they were the only animals available. 1907. Breakout of Mohamed Zubeir-Abdalla war. 1911. Borana commanded by Ali Buke fought with the Somalis. 1912. Borana and Samburu fought at a place called Kome. Samburus were defeated. 1912. Abudwak-Mohamed Zubeir war ingintes. 1913. The Borana warrior, Kote, who was born without fingers on one hand, dies. 1915. Borana warrior Guyo Gutu dies after being killed by an elephant. 1917. Is remembered as the year when the Sakuye killed two Somalis and were collectively fined 400 heads of cattle as compensation. 1918. Mohamed Zubeir-Auliyahan war kicks off. 1919. The year the Borana and Gabra could not reconcile forcing the Gabra to move to Marsabit. 1919. Auliyahan-British war. 1920. Sannadkii biyo fuud. A year of drought and the introduction of tea and sugar in Garissa District. 1922. Koodhi ka carar. People escaped to Somalia to avoid paying poll tax. 1923. Kenya-Somalis crossed into Italian Somaliland. 1925. Borana killed a Somali and were fined 100 heads of cattle as blood money. 1925. Sannadkii Saangur (Sankuri) la dhisay. The year Sankuri was built. 1929. Tribal war between the Garre and Murille in Elwak. 1931. Angered by the killing of Borana by Somalis, the Borana, seeking compensation,appealed to the District commissioner, a Mr. Dadlocks, who in turn confiscated Somali camels. 1932. Deer Fanta. Outbreak of Smallpox. 1933. The colonial administration fined the Borana 1200 heads of cattle for the killing of six Somalis. 1934. British-Auliyahan war. 1935. Deer Ayax. The year of locust invasion. 1936. The year Garissa was built. 1937. Sannadkii caano arag. The year of abundant milk. 1937. Sannadkii kala carar. The year of pandemonium when people ran to unknown destinations in search of food. 1941. Sannadkii Lo’ duraay. The introduction of veterinary services. 1944. A Borana named Abduba Ali was killed by Somali Shifta (bandits). The Shifta was killed by the Borana in retaliation. 1944. Sannadkii dhul qod. The introduction of dams. 1944. Mohamed Zubeir-Bartire war. 1946. The death of Sultan Sambul. 1946. The year people slaughtered young calves for food due to famine. 1948. Borana killed two Ajurans; fined 200 heads of cattle as compensation. 1948. Ka dhaqso ku dhufo. A war song warning a rapist to hurry up with his immoral act as the husband of the wife was coming to bay for his blood. It was a year of rejoicing for Somalis after a long drought. 1949. The year Sultan Maalim Muhamed was stabbed. 1953. Garab gooye. A killer disease that decimated cattle and elephants and anyone who ate them. 1955. Boran galaay. The year when many Somalis moved to Modogashe (Madoogaashe) and Borana land due to severe drought. 1956. Guskii caano teg. A young Somali man, who, after attaining age 20, raped every woman he met each time paying as compensation 5 to 8 cows until he ran bankrupt; he finally repented his sins. The Kenya Census Bureau deserves credit for chronicling such important historical events in its experimentation of past census exercises despite small margins of error.
From these events we are able to adduce evidence of incest in past tribal social make-ups, territorial rivalry, and adverse living conditions-conditions dictated by mother nature in poor tribal societies whose only source of income was livestock-livestock that solely depended on scarce rain followed by intermittent drought that decimated a great many populations scavenging for the few available resources in a vast desert-whipped Somali Abbo and Somali regions stretching from the Northern tip of Moyale to the southern terrains of Garissa.
Students interested in the history of NFD need exploit the atrocious wars between the Auliyahan-a sub clan of the Ogaden-Somali and the heavily equipped British Colonial Administration. Names like the Sakuye and Murille may at first sound non-Somali though the vast majority of these tribes concentrate in Wajir and Mandera respectively to as far as Moyale, Marsabit, and Isiolo in the expansive Eastern Province.
Though little has been mentioned about the exquisite Wardey-a clan that originally owned this vast region-any student of Somali history need remember that their original name was Gabbra. Names like Hargeisa, Garbaharey, Afmadow and many other towns, places, and villages have their origin in Wardey vernacular. As for Afmadow, after a much awaited battle that was to have been fought by two sub-clans of the Ogaden clan was suspended, to the surprise and amazement of a group of warriors, what they found under an acacia tree was bewildering. They found a beautiful young Wardey girl with black lips. Thus, from that day on the area was named Afmadow which is in reference to the young girl’s black mouth or lips.
From the little historical knowledge we have about NFD, the first batch of men on horseback consisting of bachelor warriors embarked on a harrowing journey driven by the desire for land, pasture, and slaves long before European colonization of the region. These dedicated men intermarried with the Wardey and thus set up settlements for Ahmediya Islamic religious propagation.
For the last quarter of a century, the political, social, and economic atmosphere in this region has been murky. The break-up of the central government in Somalia in 1991 and the rise of Al-Shabab in 2006 brought many ills to the region. There is an atmosphere of unease, mistrust, and suspicion between the inhabitants of the region and the Kenya government. Militant infiltration of society, insecurity, and government response with crackdowns has taken its toll on the inhabitants of the region. Those who call the region home are in constant fear of the Kenya government’s unprecedented security operations and the constant, inescapable punishments inflicted on them by the militants.
Our absolute dependence on European colonial writings and our failure to undertake our own research has made the task of writing our own history redundant and obsolete. The governments of East Africa have not been much better as their inclinations to European colonial ideals retarded our young historians’ pursuit of our past. It took the combined efforts of three independent minds to spread Communism to the entire world. Karl Marx was not alone; someone published his ideas while a third figure disseminated his ideas that became an ideology to reckon with even to this very day.
The City of Garissa in Kenya’s North Eastern Province (NEP) has been on the top list of the most peaceful cities in East and Central Africa for over twenty years. It is the provincial headquarter of NEP as well as the administrative center for Garissa District. Named after a riverine local Pokomo elder or farmer called Karisa, Garissa became a recognized settlement in 1936. The majority of the inhabitants of Garissa are ethnic Somalis. Besides subsistence and small-scale farming and local business initiatives by urbanites, livestock raring remains the major sustainer of the region’s economy.
From 1963 when Kenya became a sovereign republic until the late eighties, the region suffered chronic insecurity resulting from tribal warfare, recurring banditry, poaching, and cattle-rustling. However, regardless of the insecurity, Garissa District has continuously for years recorded the highest concentration of livestock in East and Central Africa. Traders in Garissa get their surplus livestock from Somalia’s southern regions thus making Garissa a haven for livestock merchants primarily between the months of January and April when the volume of cattle substantially increases. Cattle trading in Garissa attract traders from as far as Machakos, Nairobi, Nyeri, Mombasa and other coastal towns during this time of the year consequently transforming the city into a beehive of activity.
Despite generating enough revenue from the taxation of cattle sales, Garissa city has lagged behind other cities of Kenya in all aspects of development. The district’s markets in southern Somalia include Baidoa, Dinsor, Qorioley, Jowhar, Afgoi, Salagle, Bardhere and Afmadow, among others. However, anecdotal evidence suggests that 60-80% of livestock in Garissa originate from the Somali region in Ethiopia, Somalia, and other divisions within NEP. In the past, the district experienced remarkable government involvement after health concerns related to the epidemiological outbreaks of Rinderpest (cattle plague or steppe murrain) and other devastating foot and mouth diseases necessitated in the enforcement of veterinary regulations leading to abrupt closure of cattle markets.
Despite being the major supplier of beef to major cities in Kenya and to as far as Tanzania and despite being the largest city between Nairobi and Mogadishu, Garissa greets its visitors with grim reality. With the exception of a teachers’ training college and one Islamic university founded by mindful businessmen and overseas-based organizations, the city has no secular university; it has no feasible infrastructure; the only visible tarmac located in the city center measures a few kilometers; its dusty potholed streets transform into lakes during rainy seasons; the municipality and the city council have no refuse collection systems in place thus making inhabitants susceptible to waterborne and airborne diseases; it has no manufacturing industries; unemployment is rife; drug addiction among the youth continues to skyrocket; poverty, beggary, and street children remain an eyesore and a social menace, and worst of all poor land allocation strategies riddled with corruption has been the major cause of civil skirmishes among the tribal-minded inhabitants resulting in government application of emergency laws such as extended curfews and deployment of the dreaded General Service Unit (GSU) together with the rapid Deployment Unit (RDU) to quell disturbances.
The city has a long history of election rigging; harassment of electors and opposition groups is common-dirty tricks and techniques inherited from past fallen autocratic regimes. Just like their cousins across the border, Somalis in Garissa and other parts of NEP have over and over again championed clan domineering approaches by unconventional means especially by rampant warring and ethnic animosities.
Reminiscent of Somalia’s “Guulwadeyaasha” or revolutionary youth during the military junta, Kenyatta and Moi era governments relied on a force that recklessly represented the Kenya African National Union (KANU) Party-a consortium of embellished, underfunded youth wingers whose arguments rested on the just war doctrine of “kill or be killed”. Such political blunders ensured the uninterrupted reclamation and continuation of political structure and extension of inheritance for the old guards.
The trouncing of Moi’s single-party regime and the birth of multiparty democracy in 1992 did little to alter the pervasive past odious events. In fact it exacerbated the political scenario when new contestants found their ambitions obstructed by the same old guards who jumped on the bandwagon using the same old tricks inherited from their past masters of deception.
the Causes of Underdevelopment
Sir Evelyn Baring, Governor of Kenya in the 1950s, greeting local tribal leaders in Garissa
If we are to understand the circumstances leading to the region’s underperformance, discriminatory practices, and developmental retardation we will need to understand the past inhuman practices by the Kenya government. The district has suffered poor county representation since Kenya’s attainment of independence in 1963. Because of their adroitness at accumulating wealth, majority of the region’s uneducated councilors have promoted their self-esteem and thus harbor elitist mentality such that even those who bowed out of politics remain a force to reckon with. These men have the power to imprison, kill or regain one’s freedom. While the poor suffer dental decay due to unhygienic eating habits coupled with the shortage of dentists, the uneducated honorable councilor displays sparkling white teeth because of the abundance of money at his disposal.
Even though the foremost social security benefits for civic leaders and high-ranking government employees is measured by the number of children one has for future retirement, the tendency to loot enough money before withdrawal from the service remain the major objective. It is saddening to see a civic leader whose tenure of office is a mere five years and whose monthly salary is about $300 residing in a personal mansion worth $100,000. Unquestionably, such wealth has been accumulated through the use of corrupt practices. Misuse of Community Development Fund (CDF), exploitation of budgetary allotments, and stealing of taxation from sales add up to the accumulation of wealth. For a long time, stealing from state treasury has been a hallmark of African politics and Kenya, because of its corruption ranking profile, is no exception.
A cross-section of Residents of Bulla Mzuri (Fiican)-Garissa
The Offspring of a Snake is a Snake
The above phrase is a translation of the Kiswahili saying “mtoto wa nyoka ni nyoka”. It has been used by corrupt Kenya leaders as a rallying cry to provoke non-Somalis to hate and oppress Kenya-Somalis. The saying inspired Kenya leaders after the succession of past Somali governments instigated political irredentism and supported the repossession of what used to be the Northern Frontier District (NFD) from the Republic of Kenya. This idiomatic expression and phraseologically provocative aphorism applied to almost every Kenyan-Somali and that its widespread use slackened only after the collapse of the Somali central government in 1991.
The bitter territorial dispute that kicked-off between Kenya and Somalia in the 60s has gone down in history as the “Shifta War”. The word Shifta (or “shufta”) implies a bandit, outlaw, or rebel. The name became an allusion andnom de guerre for every Kenyan-Somali regardless of whether one was a law-abiding citizen or a contextually sadistic law-breaking criminal. Thus, Kenya-Somalis saw themselves wedged between two diametrically opposed forces with profound conflicting ideologies-one a civilian authoritarian government (Kenya) with western inclinations and a dictatorial regime (Somalia) -espousing a plethora of political dimensions. Thousands of families lacking guidance or controlling force or influence crossed the border into Somalia to escape extensive hostilities on the Kenya side. Leaders of the Northern Province People’s Progressive Party (NPPP) incorporated Somalis, Borana, Rendille, and others.
Damaliscus hunteri-this animal is listed as an endangered species and a few remain in conservation in Kenya's Garissa District
For decades, Garissa had been under the radar of Kenya security and intelligence agencies primarily because the region was under martial law decreed immediately after Kenya’s proclamation of independence.
Besides the insecurity that came with the shifta menace, widespread illegal poaching by Somalis scavenging for better living conditions decimated-if not-drastically reduced wildlife concentration in Kenya ’s internationally-acclaimed national parks and game reserves. Besides the hazards of wildlife plundering, poachers stealthily brought with them dangerous small arms that endangered the lives of government game wardens whose task implied the protection of wild game and the preservation of Kenya’s vigorous tourist industry. Since independence and till this day, tourism has been a cornerstone and sustainer of Kenya’s economy. The best the Kenya government can do for the moment and in the future is to fully integrate Kenya-Somalis and give them a share of the national cake.
In the Western world, scholars, researchers, and authors painstakingly endeavor to unearth hidden historical personalities and artifacts for the sake of identification and for the purpose of acknowledging roles played in social and political life. Upon stumbling on the remains of a revered or detested figure, the process of recovery and documentation gets off the ground. Finally, the lost glory and human dignity of that person is restored. That is why in the developed world even the wretched of the earth have their place in history. In developed nations, children rehearse names of prominent people that impacted the lives of their forefathers and their nation.
Western history is replete with wastrels who frittered away their nation ’s resources, spurious aficionados, destructive infidels, false prophets, lackadaisical leaders, cantankerous and indolent impostors, treacherous assassins and wretched killers whose names appear in the golden pages of historical antiquity.
Unfortunately, in the developing world, factors like human envy, corruption, lack of resources and expertise hinder projects of like nature. Because humans are naturally selfish, there is the tendency to shower praise on the dead and not on the living.
Honorable Abdi Aress Mohamed, Member of Parliament for Garissa Central constituency within the district of Garissa in Kenya’s North Eastern Province, may be remembered for initiating various developmental projects during his tenure of politics from 1969 to 1983. In a period spanning 15 years, Hon. Abdi Aress tirelessly represented his constituents in parliament and in government bringing in projects that tremendously altered the living conditions of a pastoral society wedged between insecurity, poverty, illiteracy, and disease. The honorable leader may be credited for laying the groundwork for what today’s leaders are unable to initiate.
Marks of dilapidation visible on the tarmac in Garisssa after the departure of Hon. Abdi Aress Mohamed from politics
During his tenure as an elected representative, the Honorable Member of Parliament carpeted the dusty streets of Garissa town with tarmac- a marvelous project undertaken by Nurudin Construction Company. The National Youth Service (NYS), a government administered program, and the Ministry of Roads, oversaw repair of damaged gravel roads and the construction of new macadamized roads to the various towns and settlements dotting the district. Besides a 9 km stretch of tarmac added long after his departure by his successor Hon. Hussein Maalim Mohamed who represented Dujis Constituency from 1983 to 2007, the 4 km tarmac laid down by political doyen Abdi Aress is the only civilized visible familiar sight to first time visitors.
Hon. Abdi Aress left behind an enduring legacy of progress and civilization that add up to his political career. He brought in a succession of projects including electricity, schools, farming, hospitals, and water. His departure from politics resulted in the abrupt retardation of infrastructural developments he envisaged.
the drastic rise in the population of Garissa town as a result of urbanization led to negative consequences and increased demand for county council services consequently leading to water shortages that lasted for over two grueling decades. Increased vehicular and human traffic, menacing stray animals, unpredictable rain, and weather patterns, and laxity on the part of the county council accelerated the dilapidation of the only tarmac town residents had known for years.
The construction of the massive Garissa General Hospital (GGH) kicked-off when Abdi Aress was in power. This medical facility alleviated rising cases of killer diseases like tuberculosis, tropical malaria, and waterborne diseases. In later years, the establishment of a nursing school elevated the hospital’s status to that of a training hospital. To this day, GGH serves people of all walks of life including patients from war-torn Somalia. The introduction of modern veterinary services and the eradication of tsetse fly, the primary biological vectors of trypanosomes that cause human sleeping sickness and animal trypanosomiasis, got a boost during Hon. Abdi Aress’ leadership.
Signs of infrastructural decay and negligence visible in a section of Garissa Street
Unquestionably, he is an unsung hero who deserves to be recognized for the tremendous contributions he made to advance the living conditions of his constituents.
Hon. Abdi Aress rose to prominence during the devastating shifta menace of the sixties. He served the administrations of Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel Arap Moi respectively. It must have been a daunting task initiating projects of such nature at a time when the Somali-inhabited North Eastern Province suffered calculated instances of cattle rustling, poaching, social dissent, and protracted insecurity.
Unlike modern politicians who usurp power and wealth through corrupt practices, Mheshimiwa Abdi Aress did not amass wealth of any kind. He has gone down in Kenya’s political history as the most honest and diligent political figure since Kenya’s attainment of independence in 1963. ---
Mr. Makina is a frequent contributor to WardheerNews and a graduate student of International Relations. He can be reached at Adan.makina@gmail.com
The recent conference which was held in England and chaired by the British Prime Minister David Cameron, among other dignitaries, is the latest in a string of efforts to bring back stability to Somalia. Nevertheless, similar consortia of foreign officials, non-governmental organizations, Somali clan leaders and elites, as well as military interventions have been the hallmark of the international community’s reaction to the Somali crises following its descent into civil strife over 21 years ago.
As underscored in the London conference, the stakes couldn’t be higher. The country is still mired in insecurity; the economy is in the wastebasket, and the Transitional National Government (TFG) has consistently been dysfunctional since its inception in 2005 and its presence has never been felt beyond the boundaries of its seat. I do not intend to be pessimistic about those who claim that gains have been made in the recent past, but it is difficult to ignore the increasing strength of Al-Shabaab and the famine that has claimed the lives of so many. These twin factors speak to the obvious failure of the multitude of the international efforts that have expended so much resources in terms of finances and time on institutions instead of the needy and war-ravaged citizens of Somalia.
Indeed, the typical storyline in the fast evolving news from Somalia is Kenya’s ongoing incursion into the southern part of Somalia. Foreign presence in Somalia is not something new. Ethiopia has perfected the art of invading and occupying Somalia without any international approval or consent. In fact, the West has commended Ethiopia for this invasion and funded it for its continued presence in Somalia.
With this background in mind, the first question that comes to mind is, “What does Kenya anticipate to achieve by invading Somalia?” Military interventions are a risky business and shouldn’t be taken lightly. Therefore, some responses to this question could be naive and dangerous while others genuine and strategic. I will only address the latter. No one can ignore the fact that Kenya has been an exemplary host to hundreds of thousands of Somalis who chose it as their home when they fled Somalia.
In fact, a significant proportion of the present residents of Eastleigh section of Nairobi are citizens of Somalia. A casual inspection of the economic activities and wealth generated by these people is quite evident - the stores, high-rises, banks, and restaurants. In the meantime, the majority of those left behind in Somalia is still dying of hunger and face violence on a daily basis.
Unfortunately, this welcome has not been translated into allaying the threat posed to Kenya by factions within Somalia; it has never brought peace and good neighborliness. Nonetheless, like any other sovereign nation; Kenya has a solemn duty to protect its citizens if and when threatened by external aggressors.
Threats as well as armed aggression, have been coming from Al-Shabaab. Well before the invasion, Kenya has attempted to contain the threat by creating a buffer zone in the form of a semi-independent region that borders Kenya to the east, Azania. Azania, it was stipulated, would be a tool to check Al-Shabaab forays into the Kenyan soil and help stop the proliferation of arms into the country.
Indeed, as those who follow events in Somalia know, this singular effort hasn’t paid off as expected. Azania has not turned out to be the filter that checks Al-Shabaab movements and weapons to Kenya. Members from this group have continuously been crossing the border and killing people in Kenya with impunity. Citizens in the border towns of Garissa and Mandera are panic-stricken with fear as they have borne the brunt of these aggressions.
So what are the options available to Kenya? You don’t eliminate dangers through timidity. You do whatever is necessary to eliminate threats. Though its military are present in Somalia, the Al-Shabaab threat is as strong as ever and killings are still going on in Kenya.
Therefore, to stem this spate of killings, Kenya has to partner with the international community and ensure a couple of things happen concomitantly. For a start, The U.S State Department has branded Al-Shabaab a terrorist group and therefore Kenya can do well by asking for U.S help. Furthermore, it has to seek for logistical support and funding, just as Ethiopia has done, and embolden its military presence in Somalia. The U.S has a stake in this. It has to work with other African Union nations whose militaries are present in Somalia and together strategize how to defeat Al-Shabaab. Strengthening Azania as it tries to accomplish those agendas behind its formation would also be another crucial step that Kenya should vigorously pursue.
Most importantly, Kenya has to demand for specific and tangible outcomes from the TFG. After all, Kenya has had a stake in the very formation of the various TFGs. The TFGs are and have been frail and no one expects much in the way of military accomplishments. However, it has to shore up its rhetoric and instead of appearing complicit toward Al-Shabaab, it has to make it stand clear.
In addition, Kenya, the TFG and Ethiopia have to be willing to talk to Al-Shabaab. This is a very strategic and cost effective way of ending the quagmire in Somalia. Many will see this as bizarre proposition. The truth is, it is not. If the US could talk to factions in Iraq and Afghanistan, Kenya and other east African member states can do so as well. What everyone wants, at the end of the day, is peace and whatever means is available has to be utilized to achieve it.
WDN: What type of aircrafts have you flown and for how long have you been airborne?
